From great expectations to grave concerns: personal reflections on Bangladesh today

By

Khondker Rahman

Khondker, a Bangladeshi Australian based in Brisbane, possesses 38 years of extensive experience in sustainable urban planning and development. His career includes significant involvement in complex projects across multiple countries, highlighted by his pivotal role in leading the development of the Qatar National Master Plan (QNMP). Upon the plan’s completion, he supervised the implementation of over 60 planning policies and 200 actionable items, many of which were critical to the substantial infrastructure projects associated with the FIFA World Cup 2022 in Qatar.
In addition to his professional accomplishments, Khondker has imparted knowledge in water engineering and environmental subjects at esteemed universities in Bangladesh, Melbourne, Brisbane, Bangkok, and Qatar.

The Bangladesh interim government led by Nobel Laureate Yunus and flanked by student leaders

Source: https://static.dw.com/image/69887941_605.jpg

Background:

I arrived in Dhaka on Thursday, November 21^st from Brisbane which is my usual place of residence. Before coming to Dhaka, over the last three months or so, after the fall of the Hasina regime on August 5th, which ended 16 years of fascist rule, most of our friends and a number of others were living in hope that this time Bangladesh was truly heading in a positive direction. Despite the cruel August floods and a series of crises/movements led by the remaining thugs and criminals of the ousted Awami League (AL) and Chatra League, many of us in Brisbane thought and hoped that the situation on the ground was not as bad as reported by several media outlets. The media had been feeding conflicting, if not incorrect, information. I have been actively objecting to and arguing against any negative comments and references, trying to uphold the spirit of the July 24 uprising/movement. After all, it is now well-documented through several sources that more than 1,500 lives—students, members of the general public, youngsters, and even children—were lost during the uprising. More than 500 people lost their eyesight permanently. Nearly 50,000 were injured, some of whom are still fighting for their lives. So, talking about the spirit, I was simply absorbed with tremendous hope, and perhaps for the first time in the last 53 years since we earned our independence in 1971, I felt that the generation who led this movement was very different from those I had known, and they were simply too strong to let the great July revolution’s outcome slip away.

However, I have been proven wrong. On the ground, the situation is quite different. If I can summarize in one sentence: “If this is not anarchy, what is?”

I deliberately tried to talk to several people from different levels of society, spending hours reading the print media and watching many TV shows and daily live news. I would love to share my conclusions here (they are, of course, subjective and may not align with many others).

1. An Inconvenient Truth:

As our beloved Prophet once said, “If you tell me that the great Uhud Mountain has shifted overnight, I will believe it, but it would be hard for me to believe if you tell me the character of our people has changed!” – what a cruel truth that accurately portrays us, the people of Bangladesh, and perhaps many around the world. So, before getting too excited, we must remember this inconvenient truth.

2. India’s Involvement:

India is not just active but super active in destabilizing the current interim government. They are pouring a lot of money and deploying agents alongside the AL and other criminals across various sectors to create disturbances and unrest. In all recent incidents, these thugs and criminals have infiltrated and taken the lead, creating unprecedented chaos, stalemate, and a sense of unbelievable insecurity. Even Uber drivers and private car owners are hesitant to take their vehicles onto the streets for fear that their vehicles will be damaged.

3. Political Parties:

Political parties, specifically the BNP, are systematically making the affairs of the current interim government incredibly difficult by making threats, imposing demands (e.g., a long list of constitutional changes, pushing the interim government to include their nominated individuals in committees and commissions, etc.), and offering unfair criticism. The most notable of all is their grassroots thugs, who are behaving as though they are currently in power. It is unbelievable that almost all Chatra League and Awami League offices throughout the entire country were looted and taken control of by BNP groups. Overnight, it is said that before Hasina landed in India on August 5th, BNP-affiliated groups such as Chatra Dal and Jubo Dal took control of these areas and markets. Overnight, they changed the sign plates to BNP and began operating from there. However, under directives from BNP high command, many of these offices have been shut down. It is just a matter of time before they will take these offices back. God knows how many so-called advisors to the BNP Chairperson there are, but they are out and about everywhere, shouting at the interim government through different talk shows, pressurizing them for elections. BNP knows very well that they are becoming incredibly unpopular, and with time, they will find it hard to maintain their position as the largest political entity. Jamaat, on the other hand, is staying quiet and visibly supporting the interim government. In all their gatherings, they are actively promoting the idea that they are an alternative to the three long-standing political entities—AL, BNP, and JP—and that these parties have miserably failed the people of Bangladesh in every sector of governance. In my quick chats with more than thirty people, including my own family, over the past week, no one—absolutely no one—would vote for BNP in the upcoming election. They will vote for either Jamaat or a newly formed student-led party.

4. Student Groups and the Anti-discrimination Student Movement:

Post-August 5th, student movements have become increasingly complex. Islami Chatra Shibir (the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami) which had been operating undercover for a long time during the Hasina regime, has resurfaced as a political entity in different educational institutions, particularly in universities across the country. BNP-affiliated Chatra Dal and Jubo Dal are trying to establish dominance, not only in different areas and markets around the city but also in educational institutions. Often, Chatra Dal and Chatra Shibir clash with each other. A part of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, which spearheaded the July-August uprising along with civic groups and a few other student platforms, has formed a new entity called the Jatiya Nagarik Committee (JNC). It is rather confusing to to identify the key actors in this zoo. The members of the JNC launched a roadshow a few weeks ago, traveling around the country to garner support for their platform to build a new Bangladesh. Sadly, their intention was not noticeably clear. They had to wrap up their show after receiving unpleasant responses from the general public. At present, we continue to see a few known faces, such as Sarjis and Hasnat, in different gatherings. However, it is not clear whether the very student platform that led the massive uprising during July-August still has wider control over the recent incidents. In fact, soon after August 5th, the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, led by Hasnat and Sarjis, crushed a large number of BAL-Chatra League-backed protests and attempts to destabilize law and order. Police and law enforcement agencies relied on their intelligence and support initially, but in recent times, that mode of operation has completely failed. Student groups everywhere are now openly criticizing the Anti-discrimination Student Movement or the JNC. Talking to people on the ground reveals that the students have sadly lost support. Some are even openly challenging whether they would get the large response they did during the July-August uprising if they called for any gathering or movement. Having said that, the Anti-discrimination Student Movement has, over the past few months, acted as a pressure group to influence the interim government in making decisions, such as banning Chatra League. However, in very recent times, the government is ignoring their calls and demands. This is a sensible move. That said, it is not clear at all to whom the interim government is listening. People say they are more confused than the public, and at times, they are seen as bowing to BNP’s intensive demands.

5. Army and Law Enforcement Agencies:

The army’s role is not clear to anyone. However, it is widely believed that higher-ranking officers are still loyal to the members of the ousted Hasina regime, and there have been many leaked phone conversations revealing talks between army officers/generals and BAL leaders who fled the country. The army chief, Gen. Waqar, knows this but won’t take any action. The advisor for home affairs, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, oversees the police, RAB, BGB, and Ansar. He is considered one of the weakest home ministers/advisors. His reluctance and inaction have led to several unpleasant events in recent times. The intelligence under his portfolio is pretty much non-functional. Police, in my own eyewitness account, are playing the role of bystanders. The army, in some places, acts, but in nine out of 10 situations, it is too little, too late. Students openly exchange inflammatory remarks at the armed forces without any fear whatsoever.

6. The Government of the Day (The Interim Government):

Professor Yunus is deliberately avoiding the media in recent times. He gets irritated quickly. It is not clear who he is listening to, but one thing everyone here says is that he is not going to support an election soon. He wants several reforms completed before the election. These reforms are primarily the election commission reform and the revised constitution. Both will take longer than another 12 months. The rumour is that the earliest date the government has in mind is June-July 2026 for the national election. I am not sure if the BNP will let the interim government (IG) delay it that far.

The biggest plus the IG has so far been the wholehearted support for Prof Yunus. However, people are extremely critical of the role of more than 70% of the advisors. Notably, the advisors for home affairs and education. Serious questions are being asked about the role of the advisor from the student group, Mr Mahfuz Alam. He is considered by many as a radical person, who is pushing a kind of agenda that is very similar to “-2” agenda of 1/11 caretaker government. A couple of days ago his Facebook status has ignited a fiery debate among many BNP leaders. He has openly criticised BNP being responsible for raging a campaign to vilify the July-Augst student movement and also doing all it can to destabilize the IG. This is a serious allegation and in his current position, he should have restrained himself from this unnecessary statement. The other two student advisors are pretty active in their roles, however, more and more they are facing obstacles to do their job.

7. The Role of Media:

Post 5^th Aug, all the media channels are enjoying an unprecedented freedom that they never had over the past 53 years since independence in 1971. This certainly has created huge chaos and confusion, and many media outlets are appearing as sources of disinformation. General public do not necessarily have the time and capacity to check these and pick the correct ones, resulting into rumour mills running in full swing. One item the media are throwing every day in large numbers are the talk shows. The so-called recycled politicians they bring into these shows are so contentless and all out liars that it is so hard to swallow.

8. Some Recent Events – “Chaos is Probably an Understatement”

#1 Battery Operated Auto Rickshaw Fiasco
A week ago, before I arrived, someone in the IG filed a writ with the High Court to ban all the battery-operated rickshaws in Bangladesh. The High Court made the ruling to ban these rickshaws within three days. This decision came as a result of a serious accident where a university student lost her life due to an uncontrollable brake system in one of these rickshaws. However, the government did not consider the impact of this decision on nearly one million rickshaw pullers in the country. Behind each rickshaw, on average, 6-8 people are impacted. They include the families of the rickshaw pullers, people involved in the repair shops, battery shops, and the rickshaw owners. This means that 6-8 million people are directly affected. This doesn’t include the passengers – it is estimated that more than 10 million passengers are impacted daily.

The rickshaw pullers then went on countrywide movements, blocking roads and key junctions, almost bringing the whole country to a halt. I was stuck for hours in one such blockade near Bijoy Shorony.

So, what did the government do? They themselves submitted another writ to the High Court to withdraw the ban. What a flip-flop! Not exactly the same, but this closely compares with the student quota movement debacle. The High Court ruled a stay order for one month before any decision could be made.

#2 Clashes Among Students from Different Colleges in Dhaka
Students from Dhaka College and City College engaged in intermittent clashes on the afternoon of November 20th, Wednesday, at the Science Lab intersection area, leaving at least 32 people injured. The clash erupted when some Dhaka College students vandalized a bus in the Science Lab area. This led to intense arguments and escalated into a physical altercation with City College students.

On November 18th, Mollah College (located on the Dhaka Demra highway near Samadnagar, Kotwali Police Station) student Avijit died in Dhaka National Medical College Hospital due to alleged negligence. Following Avijit’s death, students demonstrated against the hospital authorities in the hospital premises. Eyewitness reports say that the hospital authorities at that time sought help from nearby Suhrawardy and Kabi Nazrul College Chatra Dal students. Students from Suhrawardy and Kabi Nazrul colleges then attacked the demonstrators from Mollah College on November 21st.

Following the attack, several thousand students, including those from Mollah College, Dhaka College, City College, and Notre Dame College, gathered in front of the hospital again on November 24th, protesting the death of Avijit and the subsequent attack on Mollah College students. It is believed that some students from St Gregory’s School and College also joined this protest.

At one stage, the protesters stretched their movement towards Suhrawardy and Kabi Nazrul College and engaged in clashes and counter-clashes. The violence continued the following day when students from Suhrawardy and Kabi Nazrul College, in large numbers, attacked Mollah College and ransacked the entire college building. More than 100 students were injured during the clashes. It is also reported that the student mob from Suhrawardy and Kabi Nazrul College attacked St Gregory’s School/College on Monday, November 25th, in retaliation for the altercation the day before, the St Gregory’s school administration shut down the school indefinitely to avoid any further escalation.

Unconfirmed sources also report that a large number of students in different universities, including BUET, and college hostels, are fleeing Dhaka temporarily to avoid any escalation of the above events. Unconfirmed sources reported that at least three students died during the attack and several others among the 100 injured are in critical condition.

#3 Thousands Gather in Shahbag, Dhaka from Several Districts to Receive Interest-Free Loans from Prof. Yunus
More than 20,000 people from at least five districts were circulated with stamped notes and boarded on chartered buses to arrive in Dhaka and gather in Shahbag to get interest-free loans ranging from one lakh to one crore taka. This incident took place on November 25-26. Police investigations afterward revealed that almost all these buses were chartered by banned Chatra League and Jubo League thugs. It is interesting to note a serious intelligence failure from the law enforcement agencies.

#4 Arrest of ISKCON Leader Chinmoy Das
Chinmoy Krishna Das, of Bangladesh Sommilito Sanatani Jagran Jote, was arrested on November 26th, Tuesday, on charges of disrespecting the national flag during a protest rally in Chittagong on October 25th. Chinmoy, a leading figure of ISKCON in Bangladesh, had led several rallies in Dhaka, Chittagong, and Rangpur in recent times, inciting communal tensions. Ekushey TV also reported child and underage sexual abuse accusations against him.

The port city of Chittagong went into turmoil as significant clashes broke out between the police, BGB, and Chinmoy supporters from ISKCON. These clashes turned violent when Chinmoy was being transferred from the courthouse to jail after his bail was denied. It is reported that a mob led by ISKCON supporters and some thugs from the banned Chatra League went inside the lower level of the Chittagong Courthouse and brutally hacked Government Attorney Mr. Saiful Islam Alif to death in broad daylight. The deceased left behind his pregnant wife and a 4-year-old daughter. This news spread like wildfire in the port city, and several others were seriously injured.

Several Western and Indian news outlets reported this incident incorrectly. One newspaper mentioned that Mr. Alif was working for Chinmoy Das, and that a student-led public mob killed him. Another outlet reported that he was killed during clashes with law enforcement agencies. Ousted ex-PM Hasina, now sheltering in India, opened her mouth for the first time in Hindu Times, demanding the immediate release of Chinmoy Das and condemning the death of Mr. Alif. Interesting, to say the least.

More than 200,000 people took part in the Janaza in Chittagong. Advisors from Prof. Yunus’s cabinet and leaders of the student movement, Mr. Sargis Alam and Hasant Abdullah, attended the Janaza. There were four Janaza prayers before Mr. Alif was buried in his hometown in Satkania, Chittagong.

When Sargis and Hasanat were returning from Satkania after the burial of Mr. Alif, their car was deliberately hit by a mini truck. Sargis and Hasanat, along with two others in the vehicle, narrowly escaped injury. Later, the driver of the mini truck was arrested and found to be disputing his own accounts.

The brutal murder of Mr. Alif brought a deep sense of sadness and shock among everyone in the country. People have demanded the banning of ISKCON and submitted a writ to the High Court. The High Court has denied the writ and mentioned that it is the decision of the government to ban any organization.

With repeated requests from different political leaders, political analysts, and most importantly, the Anti-discrimination Student movement, people in Chittagong showed their utmost restraint, preventing the murder of Mr. Alif from escalating into any communal violence. This would have given Hasina and her Indian protectors the ammunition to launch another Hindu minority attack issue. They certainly failed again.

#5 Strikes Continue in Several Garment Factories in Gazipur, Causing Road Blockages, etc., as Employees Are Unpaid for More Than a Couple of Months
The strikes in Gazipur have continued, with workers demanding their unpaid wages. This has caused significant disruptions, including road blockages.

#6 Bangladesh Bank Prints 22,500 Crore New Money to Bail Out Six Dying Banks
BB U-turn: Prints 22,500 Crore to bailout 6 banks. The banks include FSIBPLC, SIBL, Exim, National, Union, and Global Islami. The Bangladesh Bank will withdraw this money from the market by issuing new bonds. The money flow into the market will not increase, nor will inflation rise, says the BB Governor.

From the Dhaka Tribune:
Ahsan H. Mansur also stated, “We backtracked from our previous decision of not printing money. We injected money into weak banks by printing money for the short term.”

“We will withdraw this money from the market by issuing bonds. We will proceed with our tight monetary policy, giving money in one hand and taking it in the other. The flow of money into the market will not increase, nor will inflation rise. This will not create unrest in the market either,” he added.

In this way, the net reserve money will not increase, he stated. “The banking regulator is now helping weak banks with liquidity support so that the depositors can get their money back,” the governor said.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, while my experience in Dhaka has been a rude awakening, I must admit that the situation on the ground is far more complex than I had initially believed. The optimism that many of us held before arriving here has been tempered by the harsh realities of life in a politically unstable nation. The road ahead for Bangladesh is filled with uncertainty, but the resolve of its people gives me hope that they will continue to strive for a better, more prosperous future.

For now, I remain cautious but hopeful. Change will not come easily, but with persistence and resilience, it is possible. The challenge will be whether the people of Bangladesh can unite and overcome the divisions that have held them back for so long. If they can, there may yet be a bright future ahead. But until then, the battle for a better Bangladesh continues.