Why free markets need equality

The conventional (and conservative) wisdom is that free markets needs inequality to create incentives for ‘wealth creators’. Chris Dillow, one of my favourite bloggers, argues instead that free markets need equality. As he puts it:

 

If you are serious about wanting free markets you must put in place the conditions which are necessary for them – namely, greater bargaining power for tenants, customers and workers. This requires not just strong anti-monopoly policies but also policies such as a high citizens income, full employment and mass house-building.

In short, free markets require  egalitarian policies. Free marketeers who don’t support these are not the friends of freedom at all, but are merely shills for exploiters.

(21 June, 2017)

 

 

Fiscal consolidation in Armenia

I was recently invited by ILO, Moscow and the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs of the Armenian government to present my report on macroeconomic policy, growth and employment. I focused on the growth and employment consequences of fiscal consolidation in Armenia.  The report – which was very well received by local stakeholders when it was presented at a workshop in Yerevan, Armenia (26 May, 2017) – will be released soon through ILO, Moscow and will be available in three languages – English, Armenian, Russian. A brief account is available in the following link:

Fiscal consolidation: An Armenian case study

 

The power of finance ministries – a case study

This blog seeks its inspiration from an excellent example of an institution-specific study of fiscal policy as viewed through the prism of finance ministries. This is represented by a thorough and independent review of the UK’s Treasury. It was commissioned by the Shadow Chancellor of the UK, John McDonnell MP and led by a high-powered panel of academics and practitioners.

The study begins by noting that the Treasury is a ‘small department’ by UK standards but wields ‘immense power’. This is largely because of its role in managing government finances, but also because of the power and status associated with the UK Chancellor (equivalent to finance ministers in other parts of the world) in the government hierarchy. The study makes the cutting observation that the Treasury is often seen as ‘arrogant, overbearing and insensitive to other departments’. It is also criticized by the study for becoming an avid advocate of fiscal austerity and for seeking to take control of the policy agenda under the guise of exercising its financial and prudential obligations. The Treasury is criticized for failing to take the leadership in responding to UK’s multiple economic challenges as reflected in low productivity and underinvestment that has held back fair and sustainable growth.

The study recommends that the Treasury be reformed to become a truly independent and impartial source of macroeconomic policy advice, especially given that the Bank of England, in common with other central banks in advanced countries, have assumed the primary role of short-run macroeconomic stabilization. This would mean encouraging diversity of economic views, playing the role of an ‘honest broker’ in initiating debates on UK’s long-term economic challenges and how to respond to them, devolution of fiscal authority, and encouraging a culture of inclusion towards other departments.

Is this characterization of the UK Treasury a reasonable depiction of finance ministries across the world, especially in developing countries? There are some general principles that seem to emerge from the study. First, it is probably the case that finance ministries in developing countries wield significant influence, if not actual power, largely because of their role in managing government finances and the status enjoyed by finance ministers in the government hierarchy. This influential role is enhanced by the fact that they are the traditional interlocutors to the international financial institutions, most notably the IMF. Second, in cases where central bank independence is constrained and inflation targeting regimes are not fully embedded, the finance ministry ends up becoming the preeminent voice in managing the macro-economy. Third, the relationship between the finance ministry and the other spending departments can indeed turn out to be unequal, creating scope for a corporate culture of arrogance and overbearing proclivity. Fourth, and perhaps the most important, finance ministries can become bastions of fiscal conservatism to the neglect of broader developmental concerns.

 

An Australian narrative on multiple themes

My long-time co-author Anis Chowdhury – a former Economics Professor and a former senior UN official – has made a number of thoughtful contributions in the Huffington Post on multiple themes that pertain to Australia. The issues he covers transcend the specific Australian context and are germane to many countries in both the developed and developing world.

 

  1. “Achieving A Surplus Is Not As Important As Investing In Australia’s Future”, 20 March 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/anis-chowdhury/achieving-a-surplus-is-not-as-important-as-investing-in-australi_a_21902868/

  2. “Young People Can Only Get A ‘Highly Paid Job’ If The Government Fixes The Economy”, 14 March 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/anis-chowdhury/young-people-can-only-get-a-highly-paid-job-if-the-government/?utm_hp_ref=au-homepage

  3. “Cutting Penalty Rates Will Defeat The PM’s Vision For Australia” 27 February, 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/anis-chowdhury/cutting-penalty-rates-will-defeat-the-pms-vision-for-australia/

  4. “Public Policy Must Not Be Held Hostage By Ratings Agencies”, 22 February, 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/anis-chowdhury/public-policy-must-not-be-held-hostage-by-ratings-agencies/?utm_hp_ref=au-homepage

  5. “Tax Cuts Aren’t Going To Grow Our Economy”, 4 January 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/anis-chowdhury/tax-cuts-arent-going-to-grow-our-economy/?utm_hp_ref=au-homepage

The curious case of Mr Ahmed Fahour

As media and commentators are busy analyzing whether Mr Ahmed Fahour was pushed or he jumped, the crux of the matter is executive pay. Mr Fahour  resigned this week amid controversy over his $5.6 million pay-packet. ABC news radio  this morning (24 February 2017) dubbed him the ‘highest paid postman in the world.’  Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull  commented that  the pay is excessive. Other political leaders such as Senator Nick Xenophon commented “that’s  a lot of postage stamps…” Senator Pauline Hanson was also disgusted with the pay-packet which consists of $4 million salary and $1.2 million bonus.

Whether Mr Fahour is a postman or not, he should be given the due credit  of turning around Australia post from last year’s $222 million loss to $36 million profit this year. This is no mean feat – an improvement of $258 million in one year!  So what went wrong with Mr Fahour?

There are always two sides of the argument. As questionable pay practices are abundant, there is also an element of jealousy when we talk about executive pay. The average citizen or the average shareholder is baffled  by CEO pay. It appears as a mystery why CEOs are paid so much. CEO pay process is highly complex. Firm size, firm profitability, firm growth, firm’s business risk,  and business complexity – all contribute to CEO pay.Besides, we need to value the talent and  the strategic leadership they bring to the corporation.

Whether we like it or not, although Australia Post is a government-owned entity, it has to make a profit, otherwise taxpayers would be subsidizing its operations. And Australia
Post has to survive in a world of  digital disruption where we are increasingly abandoning the tradition ways of communication (‘snail mail’), thus adversely affecting postal business. If Mr Fahour  had been the CEO of a public-listed company, he  would have no issue of receiving this pay-packet. Further, it  is wrong to compare his salary with other government executives or political leaders such as the Prime Minister because  company CEOs and political leaders (or government officials) have very different jobs.

While  there is legislation  such as the “two strikes” rule to  rein in questionable pay practices ( see Monem and Ng, 2013) in public-listed corporations, there is no similar regulation for government-owned entities which are expected to be self-sustained and economically viable. Hence, whether Australia Post is a government office like Centrelink  or a profit-oriented business corporation needs to be settled first.